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18th March- The Hindu Editorial - Part-2 (in Hindi)
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Subhodeep Das
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really helpful... u are really a awesome teacher
Aman Sharma
10 months ago
thank you
  1. THEDU EDITORIAL DISCUSSION 18th March THE HINDU


  2. An election that is not about one For the Opposition parties, this is the time to enlarge democracy's base, not necessarily any one party's. UBHODESP


  3. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley recently said that India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, was the "original sinner" who favoured China over lndia for permanent membership in the UN Security Council. His assertion obviously refers to Washington's feeler sent to New Delhi in August 1950 through the Indian Ambassador in the U.S., mentioning the American desire to remove China from permanent membership of the UNSC and possibly replace it with India. The allegation that Nehru refused to take this suggestion seriously and thus abdicated India's opportunity to become a permanent member of the UNSC is the result of the critics' inability to comprehend the complexity of the international situation in the early 1950s UBHODESP


  4. Cold War was in its early stages, Two superpowers in eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation that threatened nuclear catastrophe. Nehru was trying to carve a policy that ensured India's security, strategic autonomy U.S. had dropped nuclear bombs on Japan only five years ago Nehru did not want India to get embroiled in hazardous Cold War conflicts and become a pawn in the superpowers'great game risking its own security UBHODESP


  5. Nehru's approach to China was dictated by realpolitik and not wishful thinking He understood that peace could not be assured in Asia without accommodating a potential great power like China and providing it with its proper place in the international system. Moreover, China was India's next-door neighbour and it was essential for New Delhi to keep relations with China on an even keel and not fall prey to the urgings of outside powers, the U.S. foremost among them, which were followingtheir owrn agendasthat had nothing to do with Indian security interests. UBHODESP


  6. The so-called American "offer" to India of a permanent seat in the Security Council replacing China was made in this combustible context To be precise, it was not an offer but merely a vague feeler to explore Indian reactions to such a contingency. The U.S. intended it to be a bait to entice India into an alliance with the West against the Sino-Soviet bloc. Had lIndia accepted the American bait, it would have meant enduring enmity with China without the achievementof a permanent seat in the UNSC No formal declarations. UBHODESP


  7. It would have also soured relations between India and the Soviet Union and made it impossible to establish the trust required to later build a close political and military relationship with Moscow that became necessary once the U.S. entered into an alliance relationship with Pakistan. UBHODESP


  8. The problem is jobs, not wages There is obfuscation over both the existence of a jobs crisis and the diagnosis of it UBHODESP


  9. It is well established that India is staring at a massive jobs crisis. Every single survey points to jobs as the biggest issue concerning voters_especially the youth Yet, the Prime Minister and the government steadfastly refuse to even acknowledge this issue, let alone address it. India's jobs crisis is an economic issue, not a political one. India is not unique in experiencing rising ioblessness and, consequently, income inequality Many developed and developing nations are grappling with this problem, too. UBHODEE


  10. Such a crisis requires acknowledgement of the issue first, then a vibrant public debate on solutions to tackle the crisis, and finally, a coordinated implementation ofideas Few says India does not have a jobs crisis but a wages crisis. iob can get one, but not the wages she wants Need to understand-what determines wages for an employee is the According to this argument, every Indian youth who wants a demand for such skills versus the supply of such skills In economic parlance, wage, or the price of labour, is an endogenous variable and not an exogenous one. UBHODESP


  11. Understandingthis through the Prime Minister's favourite example of frying pakodas, which is apparently an evidence of the plentiful jobs that we are creating. Ex there are far more people willing to fry pakodas for a job than there is demand for pakodas. Hence, their wages continue to be low Of course, a person frying pakodas in a five-star hotel will get paid higher than a roadside pakoda fryer, presumably because her skill and productivity level are different. UBHODESP


  12. If there is demand for labour and skills in the capitalist sector, then the endless supply of labour from the subsistence sector will transition, and exceeds the supply of labour in the subsistence sector. The harsh and simple reality of India's jobs situation is that we are not wages will ultimately rise only when the demand for labour creating as many jobs as we need to There can be many reasons for the lack of our abilityto generate enough jobs but at the very least, we must firstacknowledge this problem. Calling this a wages crisis and not a jobs crisis is neither helpful nor sensible. UBHODESP


  13. It is very critical that we don't bury our heads in the sand and pretend that there is no jobs crisis but only some wage crisis, induced by labour market distortions. The proponents of the 'there is a wage crisis' argument also go on to say that the largely informal nature of India's economy leads to low productivity and hence keeps wages low. Also, economic history tells us that formalisation is an outcome of economic development So, we need to realize the simple truth of it is that we do not produce enough jobs UBHODESP


  14. The urban question: reimagining ouir cities A charter designed by civil society organisations, workers' collectives, and the urban poor reimagines our cities UBHODESP


  15. While agrarian distress has slipped into the pre-election discourse as an important political subject, it is imperative to ask why the urban question is no less political. India's cities are grappling with acute urban livelihood issues relating to jobs, housing, migration, living conditions, mobility, sanitation, climate change and sustainability. A group of civil society organisations, workers' collectives, and over two lakh urban poor across India have been deliberating on a citizens' charter of demands for inclusive and just urban development - words that most governments have only been paying lip service to. UBHODESP


  16. The charter, which enjoys endorsements of "just and liveable cities for all" as an alternative to "smart cities". adopt techno-centric models of urbanisation facilitated by unelected entities, such as special purpose vehicles that are dependent on private investments. This often results in the participative planningprocess of urban local bodies (ULBs) being bypassed. The charter pushes for autonomy of the ULBs, capacitating them with funds for proper staffing, regularisation of municipality workers, and entrusting them with decentralised decision-making powers. UBHODESP


  17. It is appalling that despite occupying only about 5% of urban land, slum dwellers in cities are labelled as encroachers. These people, who constitute 30% of the population in cities, often live in subhuman conditions without basic services The charter looks at housing as a fundamental right and proposes to confer land titles on slum dwellers, It proposes a zero-eviction policy, in situ slum upgradation programmes that focus not on the number of houses built but also on ownership rights and service provision. The majority of these residents constitute urban 'informal' workers (about 20 crore people) who have migrated due to rural distress etc. UBHODESP


  18. The charter advocates universal minimum social security (as a portable scheme for the benefit of migrant workers), which includes healthcare, maternity, insurance,pension benefits, and fixing universal minimum wages It welcomes the proposal for a National Urban Employment Scheme, recognising the right to work It also emphasises the need for gender-friendly cities and infrastructure And given that cities contribute more than 60% to India's GDP it advocates that a minimum of 5% of this GDP be used for the development of urban areas, up from the current 1%, through Central schemes. UBHODESP


  19. We must reimagine our cities by rejecting inequalities, unjust designs, and unsustainabl e growth UBHODES


  20. The End! UBHODESP