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12th December editorial- Wassenar arrangement & Nepal elections
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Articles discussed are For clean air, India needs a policy leap The power play in peacekeeping In an elite club A massive victory

Abhishek Srivastava is teaching live on Unacademy Plus

Abhishek Srivastava
GS faculty and subject matter expert | 4 yrs Teaching Exp.| HiStory, Geog. and Polity courses with interrelation, logic & chronology.

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The 123 Agreement signed between the United States of America and the Republic of India is known as the U.S.–India Civil Nuclear Agreement or Indo-US nuclear deal.The framework for this agreement was a July 18 2005, joint statement by then Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh and then U.S. President George W. Bush, under which India agreed to separate its civil and military nuclear facilities and to place all its civil nuclear facilities under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards and, in exchange, the United States agreed to work toward full civil nuclear cooperation with India. This U.S.-India deal took more than three years to come to fruition as it had to go through several complex stages, including amendment of U.S. domestic law, especially the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, a civil-military nuclear Separation Plan in India, an India-IAEA safeguards (inspections) agreement and the grant of an exemption for India by the Nuclear Suppliers Group, an export-control cartel that had been formed mainly in response to India's first nuclear test in 1974. In its final shape, the deal places under permanent safeguards those nuclear facilities that India has identified as "civil" and permits broad civil nuclear cooperation, while excluding the transfer of "sensitive" equipment and technologies, including civil enrichment and reprocessing items even under IAEA safeguards.
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The 123 Agreement signed between the United States of America and the Republic of India is known as the U.S.–India Civil Nuclear Agreement or Indo-US nuclear deal.
The 123 Agreement signed between the United States of America and the Republic of India is known as the U.S.–India Civil Nuclear Agreement or Indo-US nuclear deal.[1] The framework for this agreement was a July 18, 2005, joint statement by then Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and then U.S. President George W. Bush, under which India agreed to separate its civil and military nuclear facilities and to place all its civil nuclear facilities under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards and, in exchange, the United States agreed to work toward full civil nuclear cooperation with India
the 123 agreement signed between USA & INDIA known as INDO-US Nuclear deal under which India agreed to separate its civil and military nuclear facilities and to place all its civil nuclear facilities under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards and, in exchange, the United States agreed to work toward full civil nuclear cooperation with India
The 123 agreement signed between India and USA is also known as the US- INDIA CIVIL NUCLEAR DEAL. Under this agreement, India agreed to seperate its civil and military nuclear facilities and to place all its civil nuclear facilities under International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards and, in exchange, the USA agreed to work towards full nuclear cooperation with India.
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  1. EDITORIAL ANALYSIS FROM HINDU 1th DECEMBER 2017 . https://unacademy.com/user/abhishek6 077 . Editorial analysis . Crash course on Polity . Crash Course on Modern History . Crash Course on Ancient History Crash Course on Medieval History . Ncert Class VI History Summary . Delhi Sultanate . Essay writing Abhishek Srivastava


  2. In an elite club Wassenaar Arrangement strengthens India's credentials as a responsible nuclear power The Wassenaar Arrangement was founded in 1996, and is clubbed with mechanisms such as the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) and the Australia Group. its stated aim is "to contribute to regional and international security and stability, by promoting transparency and greater responsibility in transfers of conventional arms and dual-use goods and technologies, thus preventing destabilising accumulations." CHAIR HEAD OF SECRETARIAT


  3. India's admittance into the Wassenaar Arrangement. a multilateral export control regime, as its 42nd participating member is a big step forward in its quest for formal acceptance as a responsible nuclear power This has come a year after India made the request for membership. As a non-signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), New Delhi has been at pains to convey to the international community that it adheres to, and is invested in, a rules-based order India's Wassenaar success at the Vienna plenary meeting last week presumes a broad acceptance among its members of the country's credentials as a fastidious adherent to export controls. It comes on the heels of membership last year of the MTCR. Ever since India signed the 123 Agreement in 2005, the underlying assumption was that the United States would help chaperone New Delhi into global nuclear acceptability after it separated its civil and military nuclear programmes and plugged the loopholes to prevent diffusion of nuclear materials and technology in a way that is demonstrably in line with best practices followed by the members of the NSG.


  4. However, over the past couple of years it has become evident that Delhi has to do most of the heavy lifting to gain a seat at various global high tables. The Wassenaar Arrangement membership is also a lesson on the need for quiet diplomacy in sensitive nuclear issues, compared to the botched attempt to gain entry to the NSG last year. While India's efforts at the NSG were stopped by China, which is not a member of the Wassenaar Arrangement, raising the pitch publicly at the time came with costs. It made the task of forging a consensus on membership to the NSG more difficult. And when that attempt failed, it gave the setback the appearance of being significantly more insurmountable. Nonetheless, now that more and more countries are signing on to India's steadily strengthening credentials in the nuclear area, there is hope that a fresh momentum will be imparted to a future bid for the NSG. It will not be easy. The Australia Group, which focusses on biological and chemical weapons, may be easier to crack given that China is not a member. But meanwhile, the Wassenaar Arrangement will embed India deeper in the global non-proliferation architecture and enable access to critical technologies in the defence and space sectors


  5. A massie victo Tibet - srengh to deliver on govermance Nepal's Left Alliance has the strength to deliver on governance ndien Given Nepal's mix of the first-past-the-post system and proportional representation, the final picture of its new Parliament may take some time to be clear But it is already evident that the Left Alliance is on course to win more than 70% of the 165 parliamentary seats being decided by the FPTP system In the 110 seats allocated based on proportional representation, the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) is leading, with its ally, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist-Centre), not far behind. This is a decisive victory for the Left Alliance, the first such win for the leftists since Nepal turned democratic in 1990. The UML had also emerged as the single largest party in the local elections held earlier this year; with the Maoists joining them in the run-up to the parliamentary polls, the resulting alliance has proved to be ideologically coherent.


  6. The UML expanded its support base beyond the hill-towns and the Terai into the far-west and the upper-hills, while the Maoists, who had floundered in elections since the formation of the Constituent Assembly in 2008, got second place and staved off decline. For the Nepali Congress, the third-place finish is a severe blow, limiting it to its weakest parliamentary presence. Others in the "democratic alliance" led by the NC, the plains-based Madhesi parties and the former royalist parties that tried using the Hindu card, have also received a setback. It is quite clear that the Left Alliance's win draws from a yearning for a stable and lasting government after years of political instability. This is reflected in the fact that 13 leaders have held the post of Prime Minister since 1990 The Left Alliance has been seen as a natural coming together of like-minded forces which had both given up on radicalism and were willing to work within the parliamentary system. With such a big mandate, it is incumbent upon the alliance to finally focus on governance. Such transformative moments have been visible in the past tooduring the initial sitting of the Constituent Assembly almost a decade ago when nearly the entire polity voted for Nepal to become a republic, or when the peace process between the Nepali state and the Maoists was completed, or after the earthquake in 2015 when political parties decided to quickly narrow


  7. Such transformative moments have been visible in the past tooduring the initial sitting of the Constituent Assembly almost a decade ago when nearly the entire polity voted for Nepal to become a republic, or when the peace process between the Nepali state and the Maoists was completed, or after the earthquake in 2015 when political parties decided to quickly narrow down their differences on the Constitution in order to work together But they all lapsed into more political wrangling. The Left Alliance now has both the opportunity and the strength to deliver on governance and development As for the NC, the grand old party of Nepal has much to introspect on. It was blindsided by the formation of the Left Alliance and its own ragtag alliance was found to be wanting. It will now have to step up to play its role in opposition


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