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Editorial: Part-2
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Rishab Arora
Graduate in Economics. Gold medal in Dissertation, Prepared various documents on Demonetisation and GST, Share-trading and many more

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sir,ravile ith cheytirunu..17mark und..3ennam not attended.thsnk you sir
thanks a lot sir v v helpful. u r really regular and dats v gud. thanks again for ur support
  1. Vis- -vis Iran, there are even less signs of a 'give' in the US. stance. Meanwhile, it is certain that India will come under further pressure from the U.S. to sign the fourth foundational agreement Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geo-Spatial Cooperation (BECA) What benefit does India derive from this 2+2 exercise? By its offer of a string of state-of-the-art defence items under controlled conditions', the U.S. is seeking to reinforce its claims to becoming the principal defence supplier to India, and in the process displace Russia from this perch. This is hardly an unmixed blessing. Russia has been steadfast in its defence commitments to India, and is not likely to take kindly to its displacement as India's No.1 defence supplier. Any counter moves by Russia, such as seeking out Pakistan as an outlet for its defence items, will not be to India's benefit


  2. Our tilt towards the U.S. is also taking place at a time when the world sees the U.S. as a 'declining power. This is not 1991, when the Soviet Union had collapsed, China was not a dominant economic power, the U.S. had just demonstrated its unassailable military strength in Iraq, etc. Exhausted by a succession of past interventions, the U.S. is currently seen, in Asia at least, as largely in retreat. On the other hand, the world today confronts a post-Cold War situation. This features China as the second biggest world power and possibly among the biggest military powers. Considerable parts of Asia are already tilting in its favour. There is also the phenomenon of the re-emergence of Russia. At the same time, everything points to a weakened Europe The U.S. image in Asia further stands tarnished thanks to some of its strategic retreats' in the recent period, viz., the failure of the 'pivot to Asia' and U.S. President Donald Trump's 'America First' policy. The U.S. threat to use force to impose its diktats has again lost much of its meaning due to its inability to rein in China's aggressive postures in the East and South China Seas. It has also been unable to effectively contain China's ambitions to emerge as a key naval entity in the Indo-Pacific region. At this time, for India to be tagged with the label of an U.S. acolyte is hardly the best, or the next best, option.


  3. Strategic integrity' India has struggled for long to maintain its strategic integrity, apart from its strategic autonomy and independence. There were several occasions in the past for it to be strategically aligned with the U.S., but India was not willing to accept the terms of such alignment. China is a matter of concern, but not an imminent threat as far as India is concerned The entire 2+2 Dialogue, on the other hand, seemed to centre on the threat posed by China and the need to contain Chinese aggression through force, or display of force, under a U.S. umbrella. Pakistan is the more immediate threat for India, and not solely on account of incubating terrorism we have real concerns about Pakistan's emergence as a nuclear threat, engaged in increasing the numbers of its nuclear warheads, developing several new delivery systems, creating new plutonium production and uranium enrichment facilities, etc. Pakistan's threat to build new short-range nuclear capable weapon systems is again a real danger. None of this seems to fall within U.S. purview at present. US. blandishments should not, hence, blind us to current realities. There has to be a limit to what we seek from other nations in terms of arms. In any case, there can never be any compromise with our strategic autonomy or the strategic direction that we have chosen to follow all these years.